More than 21 political parties are not participating in the election
Ahead of the upcoming Thirteenth National Parliamentary Election, although the Election Commission (EC) is claiming that the vote will be “participatory” and “competitive,” the ground reality is conveying a very different message. Of the 60 registered political parties, at least 21 are not participating in the election as political parties; moreover, due to the banning of activities and suspension of registration, the country’s largest party, the Awami League, is also outside the electoral process. On the other hand, many of the participating parties have fielded only symbolic candidates in a limited number of constituencies. As a result, the absence of major vote-holding parties, shortage of candidates, organizational weakness, and fear at the grassroots level have together intensified the question of whether the election is truly “inclusive” or “participatory.”
A key characteristic of an acceptable election is uncertainty of outcome, the presence of alternative political choices for voters, a level playing field, the ability to vote free from influence, and a real possibility of change of power. However, analysts believe that several of these conditions have become weak in the current context. With the election being held without the Awami League and its allied parties, there is concern that the equation for forming the government has already become largely predetermined.
According to EC sources, fewer than 30 parties are being seen actively in the field. Twenty-nine parties have nominated candidates in only 1 to 20 constituencies; among them, 19 parties are contesting in fewer than 10 seats, and 12 parties in fewer than five seats. In contrast, only four or five parties have been able to nominate candidates in more than a hundred constituencies. Despite the numerical presence of candidates, there are allegations that political representation and organizational strength remain limited.
According to analysts, the combined vote share of the Awami League and its alliance partners in the past has reached approximately 50–55 percent. If this vast segment of voters remains effectively unrepresented, it becomes difficult to describe the election as universal. Khondaker Golam Moazzem, Research Director of the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), recently stated that a large section of voters is not getting the opportunity to choose candidates of their preference, and therefore the standards of “inclusive voting” are not being met.
Representatives of civil society have also raised similar concerns at the final stage. Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, Executive Director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), said that the expectations regarding reforms and strengthening the electoral foundation under the interim government have not been fully met. Badiul Alam Majumdar, a member of the Election System Reform Commission, believes that political parties have failed to build long-term organizational strength, resulting in a crisis of voter confidence.
In a statement, teachers of the Blue Group at the University of Dhaka said that an election without the participation of all political parties would amount to a “farce and deception.” According to them, a one-sided election could damage the country’s image and increase the risk of prolonged political conflict.
Meanwhile, instability is also visible within the participating parties. Although the Jatiya Party (JP) has nominated candidates in 196 constituencies, one candidate after another is withdrawing as the election approaches. Citing cases, intimidation, and obstacles to campaigning, two candidates from Bogura and Brahmanbaria have already withdrawn. In Nilphamari, incidents have occurred where JP leaders have officially supported BNP candidates. Reports have also emerged of hundreds of leaders and activists joining the BNP in various districts. This has raised the question of how effective the participation of the contesting parties truly is.
There are also allegations of violations of the electoral code of conduct, violence, cases and attacks, and administrative double standards at the field level. Observers have pointed to discriminatory enforcement of the law regarding candidates who are loan defaulters or face legal cases. As a result, the environment of equal opportunity is being undermined.
Professor Zobaida Nasreen believes that excluding any party through executive orders is not a political solution; rather, parties should be “rejected” through the verdict of voters. Writer Mahmudul Ahmed also states that elections held without major parties lead to a crisis of legitimacy—an experience not new in the country’s political history.
However, the Election Commission maintains that the election is participatory since the majority of parties are taking part. According to commissioners, a high voter turnout would reduce controversy. But analyst Jasmine Tuli argues that if voter turnout is low or competition is weak, the legitimacy of the election itself will come into question.
Overall, it appears that although there are parties and candidates in numerical terms, in political reality a large segment of voters remains unrepresented, many parties suffer from weak organizational presence, and even among the participating parties fear and withdrawals are increasing. Consequently, while the election may appear “participatory” on paper, the question remains whether it truly meets the standards of being “inclusive” or “competitive” in practice.
